Lome, Togo – The chant fades on the streets, barricades are cleared, and a creepy calm hangs on Togo after days of massive protests in the West African capital. But beneath the surface, rage simmers, security forces remain stationed at key intersections, with many fearing the storm is over.
From June 26th to 28th, thousands took him to the streets of Lome, protesting constitutional reforms that would allow Fare Gunas president to remain in power indefinitely. Since 2005 after the death of his father, who ruled for 38 years, the 59-year-old has recently been sworn in as president of the Council of Ministers, a powerful officer role with no term limits under the newly adopted parliamentary system.
The protest was suppressed quickly and violently.
At least four people have been killed, dozens have been injured and more than 60 have been arrested, according to local civil society groups. Verified videos circulating online show beats, street chases, men in plain clothes that dragged civilians out.
However, in countries with long political fatigue and fractured oppositional fractures, the past week has shown rupture.
Rejecting a political dynasty
For many observers, these protests represent more than a response to constitutional reform. They show a generational break.
“These young people are not simply protesting the new constitution,” said Papu Koudho, a Togo journalist and essayist. “They rejected 58 years of political inheritance, from father to son, which resulted in nothing other than poverty, oppression and humiliation.”
Most of the protesters were under the age of 25. Many people didn’t know another leader. They grew up frequently with blackouts, crumbling infrastructure, unemployment and reduced freedom. The constitutional change removed the time limit from the role of new executives and eliminated direct presidential elections, but was a red line.
The government has attempted to manage damages. The sudden 12.5% increase in electricity prices (another source of anger) was quickly withdrawn. Activist singer Armron, who was arrested a few days ago, had promoted public outrage but was carefully released.
However, neither movement caused any anxiety.
“Armron’s arrest was a trigger,” said Paul Amegakupo, political analyst and chairman of the Tambal Magazine Governance Institute. “But the real story is that this administration has lost its ability to provide a negotiated institutional solution to the crisis, which is purely dependent on military force.”
He points out signs of unrest within the nation itself. A rare statement from former Defense Minister Marguerite Gunacade blames the violence and Gunasbe leaders, suggesting that fractures may be present at the highest levels of security equipment.
“There’s an institutional gap,” Amegakpo said. “Two months after the transition to the Fifth Republic, there is no government yet in this country,” he added, noting after the post-Togo revision.
Civil society fills the vacuum
Perhaps more led them than the protest itself. Rather than the traditional opposition party, which has been weakened by years of cooperation and exile, they are diaspora, civil society activists, artists and uncelebrated civic influencers.
“The opposition is physically, politically and financially exhausted,” Koudjo said. “After decades of dialogue failed and betrayed the agreement, the young people stepped in.”
As protests surged, more institutional voices continued. Several civic organizations have issued strong statements calling for an independent investigation of death and loss of death, denounced the “unbalanced use of force.” Though not leading the mobilization, these groups reflect growing alarms about government responses and erosion of civic space.
The West African Media Foundation warned that the environment of free expression in Togo is “at risk.”
For Fabien Offner, a researcher at Amnesty International, the crackdown is a bigger and part of a entrenched system.
“What we are seeing is not an isolated event, it is a continuation of oppressive architecture,” Ofna told Al Jazeera. “We documented patterns of arbitrary arrests, coded be-stripping, torture postures and immunity.
Amnesty says the family is still looking for a loved one filmed during the protest. Some people have not received information about their location or legal status.
“This isn’t just about protest management. It’s about the systematic denial of fundamental rights,” Ofner said.
He added that the government’s claim that protests are “unauthorized” is a misreading of international law. “Peaceful gatherings do not require prior approval. The illegality is to systematically prevent it.”
Amnesty is seeking an independent investigation into deaths, public lists of detainees and full transparency from prosecutors. But Ofner also tackled a more unpleasant truth: international silence.
“Togo has become a diplomatic blind spot,” he said. “We need stronger and more vocal involvement from the African Union, Ekowas, the United Nations and key bilateral partners. Their silence encourages a cycle of oppression. They must speak out and act.”
Even Catholic bishops in traditionally cautious countries warned in rare statements of the risk of “explosions under oppressed frustration,” calling for “honest, inclusive and constructive dialogue.”
Togo’s unrest also reflects broader trends across West Africa, and Observers reflects the increasingly challenging young-led movements not only in ballot boxes but also in the streets, through social media and global solidarity networks.
From recent mobilization in Senegal to the popular uprising in Burkina Faso, young people have argued institutions against systems they consider to be unresponsive, outdated or undemocratic. In Togo, protests may be of domestic origin, but they are part of the wider regional pulse that demands accountability and renewal.
The government holds that line
“These were not peaceful gatherings. They were attempts to disrupt the public order,” said Gilbert Bawara, Minister of Public Services and senior member of the UNIR Governance Party.
Bawara denied that security forces committed systemic abuse, claiming that “if there is an excess, they should be investigated based on facts and not rumors.” He added that the government remains open to dialogue, but not anonymous calls from overseas, but only “visible, structured interlocutors.”
He also defended recent constitutional changes and argued that they followed a legitimate process. “If someone doesn’t agree, they can petition and they can take part in the election. These are the foundations of a democratic society,” Bawara told Al Jazeera.
However, critics argue that such a path is largely symbolic under the present government. Many believe that by controlling the system, controlling security forces, and bystanding opposition figures through arrests, exile and cooperation, many fundamentally equips a field of political competition.
“Yes, there’s a democratic form,” said analyst Paul Amegakupo. “But they are empty. Rules may exist on paper – elections, assembly, petitions – but Togo’s power is not contested on an equal footing.
Amegakpo said the administration’s recent move suggests it focuses on optics rather than engagement.
“The government announced its own peaceful march on July 5th,” he pointed out. “But it reveals something deeper. They haven’t heard. They respond to social and political suffering with PR and rebuttal.”
The moment of calculation
What comes next is uncertain. Protests have calmed down for now, but the heavy presence of security forces and the Internet slowdown suggests ongoing uncertainty.
Analysts warn that if anxiety spreads beyond Lome, or if a crack spreads within security equipment, the country could face a deeper crisis.
“We are not in a revolutionary situation yet,” Amegakupo said. “But we’re deeply exploding. If the administration continues to refuse to admit it, the costs may be higher than they imagined.”
For the young people who led the protest, the message is clear. They no longer want to wait.
“There’s a divorce between a generation that knows that right and a government stuck in survival mode,” Koudjo said. “Something has changed. Whether that leads to reform or oppression depends on what happens next.”
